Masken und Identitäten der Moderne: Eine Filmanalyse des Films Zelig (German Edition)
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Soccer—Social aspects. Frank, Sybille. Steets, Silke, — GV S63S73 Jakob Park Soccer Stadium, Basle site plan and vertical section 4. Argentina, Frankfurt, 5. Lowry: Going to the Match, oil painting, 9. She started playing football at the age of six, mainly with friends in the street. Together with Iranian director A. He is currently working on his dissertation about national borders and transnational processes.
Coming from a family that is literally crazy about sports, Christian seems to be equipped with a nothing short of manic data base knowledge of football. He will remain devoted to all sorts of ball games all his life, especially volleyball and, of course, football. He has published extensively on collective identities in Iran and in the Mediterranean. Demossier ed.
title_presse_01_15_06_15 - HFF Munich
The European Puzzle He just finished a book on the meaning of hair Trichologiques. Une Anthropologie des cheveux et des poils Trichologics. An Anthropology of Hair, Adam Brown is Director, Founding Member and Researcher for Substance, a social research cooperative that specializes in sport, youth inclusion and community regeneration, utilizing innovative approaches to research, monitoring and evaluation and reporting.
He has a background in football and its fans but also has expertise in cultural industries and is currently leading a major research programme on the social and community benefits of angling. He is the author of Industrial Ruins. Leslie, S. Millington and N. Rantisi, He has written widely on theories of identity and space, globalization, leisure and tourism, urban ruination, and urban and rural cultures. He is currently pursuing projects about urban materiality and landscapes of illumination. Culture, Art, Society with Ch. Here, she concentrates on the problem of governance of science and on evaluation processes in particular.
He studied German philology, philosophy and drama in Munich and received his Ph. His numerous publications cover subjects from Goethe to Bob Dylan. Together with S. Erhardt and C. Journal for close analyses of football, 56 issues since He has played over matches for Harlachinger SV on numerous soccer pitches all over Munich, covering just about every position except goalkeeper. In addition, he has appeared regularly in the media to discuss issues around football. Her research interests focus on ancient sports history and the comparison of ancient and modern sports phenomena.
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Marschik et al. His research interests include urban regeneration, place management and branding, class and creativity. Edensor, Global Networks, Trained as a feminist urban geographer, her research interests include the cultural politics of leisure landscapes, uneven urban development, feminist and queer theorizations of identity politics, critical race and gender studies, and sport spaces.
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Gerhards und A. Soziologische Perspektiven with M. Sociological perspectives, Mike S. His main research areas are the sociology of media and communication, the sociology of fans, and social aspects of climate change. Klein and M. Soziologische Perspektiven with J. Roose and T. Her dissertation is entitled The Construction of the Real.
A systematic analysis of the historiographic position in the architectural theory of Aldo Rossi. In , he was involved in the implementation of the big fan festivals with public viewing areas in the national administration of the FIFA World Cup. Prior to that, he conducted research and lectured at Bremen University for many years and was appointed to several offices in the area of sports and education in Hamburg.
He is a regular marathon runner. Heinecke and R. Krehl, Michael Zinganel studied architecture, art and history. As an artist, curator and theoretician he has worked, exhibited and published on issues of deviance and security in art, architecture and urban planning, on sports and leisure architecture and most recently on migration and transnational cultural change in the tourism industry. His recent publications include Stadion.
Marschik, R. Spitaler, Backstage Tours. Reisen in den touristischen Raum Backstage Tours. Spillmann, and Real Crime. Architektur, Stadt und Verbrechen Real Crime. Architecture, the city and crime, The focus of the lecture series was the football stadium. This is not only the scintillating venue of the match, but also the place where violence, community, the joy of the crowd and the sorrow of football fans is experienced. They spoke as fans as well as academics.
In contributing to the Architext series — the result of a serendipitous coincidence — we wanted to transfer the spirit of the lecture series into the more permanent pages of a book and, reinforced by a few additional authors, make the outcome available to an international readership. Our thanks go to the authors for their commitment, their expertise and their ability to relate the results of their research to other disciplines and new contexts.
For constructive and targeted comments as well as their sympathetic ear, we are grateful to the editors of the Architext series, Tony King and Tom Markus. Lora Seel and Merle Schulte were extremely helpful in researching image rights and during the formal revision of the manuscript.
We thank Carolyn Kelly for the professional translation of many chapters, for her flexibility and her humour. Our partners, Hans Jakel and Reinhard Krehl, always showed great solidarity, and we would like to thank them for their caring support of this project. Not least, this book is an expression of solid female friendship. We hope that the enthusiasm in engaging with the social and built space of the football stadium, present in each contribution to this volume, will be conveyed to the reader.
Ducke Illustration taken from: J. Krause Die Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen, vol. I, Leipzig: J. Barth Illustration taken from: J. Bogeng ed. I, Leipzig: E. Spitaler and M. Zinganel eds Das Stadion. In doing so, we aim to connect the space of the built environment with the theoretical insights of the social sciences and humanities in order to establish fruitful perspectives for both sides.
On the one hand, it sketches continuities regarding the development, built structure, use and worldwide spread of stadia, which have, since the days of antiquity, enjoyed periods of glory as fighting arenas, sports complexes, meeting places or places of political representation.
On the other hand, the intention is to determine those specific features by which current stadium buildings and their uses are different from their historical predecessors. In this context, the stadium will always be viewed not only as a built, but also as a social space, connected to specific social norms and practices, where not only characteristics of national and local cultures but also global economic developments, as well as media and design trends congregate and are expressed.
In this Introduction, we first outline the development, social position and particular fascination of football as a social practice. We then provide a brief summary of the past and present of the stadium as a building type. In the final section we briefly outline the content of the chapters and integrate them with the key theme of the volume. Frank and S. It brings together masses of people onto playing fields, into stadia, in front of television screens at home and to Public Viewing events in pubs or city squares.
As an integral part of the everyday life of modern society, it has the capacity not only to move people, but also to establish communities that transcend spatial and social boundaries. How can the worldwide fascination with the game of football be explained?
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Based on his theory of civilization , , sociologist Norbert Elias has provided the most comprehensive theoretical approach so far to this question. According to Elias , collective recreational events such as football are particularly promising subjects for an analysis of societies since they represent exceptional but also highly regulated areas of human interaction.
In this view, leisure activities can act as a mirror to society, the characteristics of which enable us to draw conclusions about the everyday standards and rules of the respective society in which these activities take place. To paraphrase Elias, every society has the pastimes it deserves. In that respect, we can rephrase the question posed above: What does the popularity of football tell us about modern society?
In the ancient world, football would have been inconceivable: At this time the arenas of antiquity hosted gladiator fights or public executions and bloodbaths, with the warrior peoples of Greece and Rome taking great pleasure in the violence they observed from the stands. In those days there was no such thing as a sense of fair play, or a fixed set of rules for such spectacles. For Elias and Dunning, therefore, sport is an exceptional pastime, but also one that guarantees order and fulfils a compensatory function.
For Elias, football is the sport that best represents the highest level of civilization in modern society. But it is an uplifting excitement. In addition, emotional spaces are created by the interaction between the players on the pitch and the fans in the stands. Yet all of these spatial configurations move within a certain order: Events on the pitch are regulated by means of playing rules which are implemented by a referee and which, throughout the history of football, have always been adapted in order to make the game more exciting, an example being the offside rule.
Teams or players who are cunning enough to know when and how to break the rules are often particularly admired. According to Elias, these rules are carried over as unwritten rules to the public, since the mimetic physical excesses that are also experienced by the spectators at the edge of the pitch do not, for the most part, cross a certain line. Thus, the highly civilized ordered disorder and relaxing tension of the football match leads to a collective catharsis among the public.
In order to experience this collective catharsis publicly, spaces are needed that enable a large crowd of people to follow and experience the football match and the emotional reactions it provokes. The growing excitement of the crowd is thus condensed. In contrast, the stadium is not only a building that embodies football beyond its immediate performance cf. Schroer , but also a building constructed with the specific intention of making the events taking place inside ideally visible and audible to spectators.
As already mentioned, stadia have been built since antiquity and their functions were and still are extremely varied. Stadia were always built and used as sporting venues, regardless of whether constructed primarily of earthen walls, wood or stone, as in antiquity; of concrete, as in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; or, like the newest arenas, of steel and glass. But throughout history they also served as battlegrounds, as gathering places for cults cf. Hachleitner and, not least, as places of political representation cf.
Following the heyday of stadium construction in the ancient world, these buildings thereafter sank into oblivion for centuries, and it was only in the late eighteenth century that stadium construction once again began: the multifunctional arena that was built on the Champ de Mars in Paris in is regarded as the first permanent modern stadium and is estimated to have held between , and , spectators Verspohl 39, 42, Figure Stadium construction has seen spectacular advances since the nineteenth century.
At present, there are more than 10, stadia around the world with a capacity of between 30, and , spectators, though the largest stadia are actually used for motor racing events. It contains , seats. In addition to football matches, other sporting contests are held there, such as athletics, wrestling or gymnastics. The stadium also regularly hosts parades and festivities.
The next largest is the Estadio Azteca in Mexico City, which was built as early as and can hold somewhat more than , fans, seated and standing.
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Its capacity of , set new standards at the time and, in the end, , spectators squeezed inside to watch the final Eisenberg et al. With a slightly smaller seating capacity of 94, seats the Soccer City Stadium in Johannesburg, situated 1, metres above sea level, has been restructured to host the opening and final matches of the World Cup. Most of these are football arenas only, and are most prevalent in Germany , followed by Spain and the United Kingdom These figures demonstrate not only the worldwide distribution but also the huge popularity of stadia.
Bale But how did this happen? In his stadia generations theory, the British architect Rod Sheard presented a periodization of the development of modern stadia. According to this theory, the first generation established itself at the end of the nineteenth century. At this time, stadia were large and uncomfortable and thus little more than large receptacles for as many spectators as possible.
The second generation emerged with the spread of television in the s, and the opportunity it offered to follow matches from the comfortable atmosphere of the home. Now the familiar receptacles were fitted with proper toilets, beer stalls and food outlets. The third stadium generation is an American invention. The necessary requirements for a successful family outing included better security, comfortable seating, roofed stands, lighting, shops and restaurants. Sheard sees this represented symbolically in an architectural manner by the luminescent body shell of the arena: The stadium is like a lens, an oversized media and television studio that concentrates the big business of sport and passion in its innards, thus producing enormous profits.
The stadium has become a highly segregated space, where private boxes, lounges, corporate and VIP areas are separated from the fan areas. The fifth stadium generation, according to Sheard, will draw the arena back into the cities. Before this can happen, however, the stadium must overcome competition from television.
How, then, can we analyse the complex relationship between the built and the social space of the football stadium more precisely? To do this, some theoretical reflections are needed. In other words, space is not a neutral or passive background upon which or in which social practices take place and a social order manifests itself. Rather, space can be understood as a built, symbolic and social order, which is always simultaneously a prerequisite and a product of human action cf. In this manner, stadium and football, the built and the social, can be seen as constituting each other.
In order to get around the dualistic construction of action and structure in social theory, Giddens suggests that social structures are ongoing routines of action that are validated by rules and resources, which on the one hand place an ordering structure on action, but which on the other hand are formed through the reproduction of social action. Applied to space, this simply means that individuals, as social actors, act, and in doing so — because they have a body — create spaces, while at the same time their action is dependent upon social, i.
Spaces are therefore always the product of action, while at the same time structuring action, in other words, spaces can both constrain and enable action. In examining spaces, one always examines relations: between the built and the social, between action and structure cf. Reckwitz This is just as true for the micro level of society as it is for the macro level. At the macro level, the advantage of such a relational concept of space lies in the possibility to examine constellations of space and place. What spaces are created by the medial transmission between the stadium and the world?
What impact does the ubiquitous media presence of football have on the architecture of the stadium? Against this background, is the stadium as a place and as a built structure becoming less important? Bale 6f. That which Bale emphasizes in relation to the stadium — the significance of places — is formulated more generally by Helmuth Berking We cannot imagine a world without places. Berking Equally, we cannot imagine places separate from their physical and material reality. But how can places in a globalized world, and therefore beyond essentialistic modes, be considered?
Doreen Massey has suggested that we consider places against the background of a relational concept of space: as a specific way in which the world is present in them. Places are therefore not simply spatial units that have grown historically and culturally, nor are they mere products of the global, but rather the global and the local constitute each other Massey Emile Durkheim has referred to the social meaning of the material, of the thing, and with it, one of the central aspects of the constitution of space.
He considers the material factors of society to be a kind of stabilizer. According to Halbwachs, places, buildings, squares, houses and streets give the collective life of society a feeling of regularity and consistency in the midst of permanent change Halbwachs He ascribes this to a symbolic and a lifeworldly aspect of the material milieu: Society, through its buildings, gives itself a form, and thus recognizes, identifies and reassures itself of its self.
At the same time, society preserves in its buildings collective practices and memories. Therefore, we pose the question: What form has society given itself in different historical periods through its stadia? Which practices and memories outlive the immediate football match in the materialized form of the stadium? By this, we are treating the stadium as a lens: Looking at what happens in, with and through football stadia can help us to identify and understand recent social changes.
On the other hand, the football stadium has always been the place of the game, of violence, of community, of mass cheering, and of grief of predominantly male but increasingly also female football fanatics. According to Elias and Dunning , the stadium can be seen as a refuge of social rules of community formation, gender construction and identification that would be unacceptable at almost any other place outside the stadium.
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We suppose that the reason for this is to be found in the specific spatiality and materiality of the stadium through which gazes are focused, actions are placed in the spotlight and crowds are celebrated and controlled. To test and further explore this double perspective, the book is divided into five thematic sections. This section approaches the subject of the book from an historical, macrosociological perspective. The stadium is described as a lens which focuses on general social development trends and makes them recognizable.
By accessing different spatial scales, encounters between global flows of finance and people on the one hand with persistent national and local cultures on the other hand are examined. The fourth and fifth parts of the book are devoted to the stadium as an extraordinary place, in which certain behaviour is displayed that would be unacceptable outside the stadium. The themes and main theses of the respective chapters are outlined below.
Referring to Foucault, King interprets the introduction of seating as a concentrated attempt by governments and football associations to ensure security by means of the isolation and control of spectators. This opens up the new arenas to those sections of the public that have deep pockets and a desire for comfort, thus supplanting the original fan milieus.
According to King, the power of a growing global alliance of clubs, sponsors, media, consumers and capital can be seen in this new stadium type, which by now can be found all over the world. The Greek stadion and hippodromus, as well as the Roman circus and amphitheatrum, were specifically built to stage sporting contests in front of a large crowd.
In addition, the stadia of antiquity were, to a great extent, spaces of political representation: Since the public was never so concentrated as in the stadium, the rulers used the arena to publicly display themselves and their power. But those rulers exposed on the stands often met not only with the jubilation of the crowd, now also in a position to observe itself, but with its displeasure too. And so, even ancient stadia show the ambivalence of an architectural form that both organizes the confrontation between the individual and the crowd, as well as the confrontation of the crowd with itself and its own power.
His theory is that popular street football, irrepressible in its vitality and disorder, was transformed into a competitive sport in the context of standardization, which then required a building which would maintain the consistency of the rules of play and allow large numbers of people to watch and place bets on the action.
In contrast, current arenas are attractive to spectators only to a limited extent: high admission prices, numbered seats and segmented tiers prevent the development of the kind of marketplace atmosphere traditionally connected to football. Taking as his examples the Veltins Arena in Gelsenkirchen, the St. Jakob Park Arena in Basel and the Amsterdam Arena in the Netherlands, Zinganel shows that events other than football are starting to play a considerable role in determining the use and architecture of stadia: In Gelsenkirchen, the removable pitch makes way for rock concerts; in Basel, offices, shopping centres and a retirement home have been integrated into the stadium; while entire entertainment areas have been installed in Amsterdam.
This is demonstrated by the many temporary stadia that can be quickly erected and taken down in any place at all. The most minimal version consists of a flagpole, a sportsman or -woman, a DJ, a VIP, and enough room for a few spectators. Stadium architecture, therefore, is a model for a mediatized, commercialized and ubiquitous event architecture in which the public voluntarily poses for the camera. On the other hand, the stadium acts as a permeable medium, as a window on the world, which pulls together the images that have been fragmented by television.
In his example, the barbaric events that took place during the Rwandan civil war in , in which the Amahoro Stadium in Kigali was one of the main settings, were precisely not reflected in the media. As thousands of Tutsis fled from the attacking Hutus to the shelter of the stadium, many were killed in front of its closed gates. For others it did actually provide the desired refuge, but it soon became a besieged concentration camp, with many wounded, and precarious hygienic conditions. Although the stadium had suitable media equipment, this was not used at any stage to transmit images or sounds of the terrible events to the wider world.
According to Banse, professional football has always been characterized by migration: Until the twentieth century, footballers of different nationalities played in teams together. However, since the deregulation of markets in the s, the migration of professional footballers is no longer a migration of the elite: With the help of football agents, an increasing number of mediocre players come as cheap labour to Europe. Only a few ever reach their desired destination which is, according to Banse, no longer a particular European country, but rather the football stadium in general: Only those who play in the stadium can escape the financial dependency on agents, the precarious contracts and everyday racism of the lower divisions.
Professional football is therefore a marketplace that produces distinctions along the line of ethnic dissociation, and the transnational space of the football stadium is a space that — by crossing the border — reproduces the national border and distinctions as an institution. The stadium, according to their central argument, only takes effect as a place through the spatial practices and rituals of football fans, by the way in which they approach the stadium on match day, where and how they meet friends and opponents, drink beer, eat fish and chips and together get in the mood for the game.
Sports scientist and cultural theorist Adam Brown is also interested in the role of places in the formation of fan communities. Brown traces in great detail the politicization of the fans and their actions in and around Old Trafford, the painful dislocation of a community, plagued by conflict but consciously political, and the desire for a place of their own, which seemingly could only be realized with the construction of their own stadium. Football is a sport that in Western Europe is associated like no other with masculinity.
Stadia are also places of chauvinism and machismo, for example when fans shout slogans that question the masculinity of the opponent, attitudes that would be unacceptable outside the stadium. The masculine rituals carried out in the football arena therefore also provide an indication of the fragility of Western masculine identity constructions. In addition, they are not allowed to play football in public places where there is a risk that they might be seen by men. The particular role of the stadium in questioning and challenging normative gender systems becomes clear in the description of the match, which was attended only by women: In the stadium, cut off from the outside world and thus a protected yet public space, around 2, Iranian women sang, shouted, celebrated and applauded.
In doing so, they carried out actions that in Iran are actually the preserve of men alone. Emotions and the body Sociologists Mike S. Referring to and developing the civilization—sociological works of Norbert Elias and Eric Dunning, they argue that stadia constitute emotional niches in a modern, rationalized society and that these niches fulfil a specific function in that society. They are socially legitimate places of exceptional emotions and therefore both act as a relief and stabilize order. The spectator sitting comfortably in a seat in the grandstand is critical, well informed, and follows the game with balanced applause.
Both building types are, in their size and architecture, spectacular elements of the cityscape, they also mark the separation between the weekday and Sunday or Saturday , and in both places, collective rituals take place that are based on common experiences and memories. According to Gebauer, these spaces can only be understood in the context of each other. According to John, footballers nowadays can be characterized more as pop stars than as heroes.
The immense media hype surrounding David Beckham is paradigmatic for this development. Using different approaches, John investigates the causes of the global popularity of the English midfielder — and finds his answer above all outside the stadium. John sees the reason for this in a radical transformation in the world of football: Once associated with inhospitable terraces, violence and yobs, football was reinvented culturally, starting in England in the s.
Only the market value of the brand thus created is validated on the pitch, i. It concludes with a reflection about the stadium as a built structure. Accessed 17 November Berking, H. Durkheim, E. Elias, N. Sport, Kultur, Zivilisation, Berlin: Transit. Eisenberg, C. Feireiss, K. Giddens, A. Hachleitner, B. Halbwachs, M.
Harvey, D. Massey, D. Massey and P. Jess eds A Place in the World? Places, cultures and globalization, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Berking ed. Reckwitz, A. Perspektiven der Kultursoziologie, Bielefeld: Transcript. Schroer, M. Meuser eds Ernste Spiele. Sheard, R. Architecture for the new global culture, Berkeley: Periplus Editions. Verspohl, F. A radical transformation has manifestly taken place. With the exception of the South Stand furthest away in Figure 1. A low, dull structure has been replaced by a bold edifice of bright steel and glass.
On the contrary, since the s, new stadia have proliferated across Europe. One of the first examples of this renovation was the San Siro Stadium in Milan reconstructed in for the World Cup. Visitors, at the time, were awed by the monumental new ground with its concrete bastions and latticed roofing.
In France, the Stade de France in Figure 1. Paris represented the pinnacle of stadium redesign which occurred for the World Cup. Central and eastern Europe has not been excluded from these developments. However, especially in Western Europe where capitalist investment has been highest and international football tournaments, the European Championship, World Cup and the Champions League, have consequently been played most frequently cf.
Banse, Chapter 7 in this volume , the transformation has been particularly dramatic and widespread. In themselves, each of these structures is impressive but together they represent an architectural paradigm shift in Europe. Although local conditions have produced unique structures at each location, there is a strong family resemblance between the new stadia. In particular, three distinctive features distinguish them from the old European grounds of the twentieth century: seats, roofs and glass.
As an important cultural artefact, architecture has always embodied and been a reflection of wider social reality, as European history demonstrates. From the first century bce until the fall of the Roman Empire in , the European political landscape was similarly studded with arenas. The spectacles which occurred in these arenas illuminated Roman culture in all its stark brutality. Although the crowd might plead for the life of a gladiator, the decision of life and death — as in the rest of Roman life — rested with the emperor alone. The arenas which appeared in Europe from the first century bce were a manifestation of the pax romana then.
Although Europeans live under a quite different political regime, the new European stadium may similarly illustrate contemporary social and political hierarchies as the Roman arena once invoked the authority of the Emperor cf. The new stadium may be seen as a manifestation of globalizing economic flows which have coalesced around professional football, pointing to the wider transformation of social and political hierarchies. They represent the appearance of a new social and political settlement in Europe. Indeed, the new European football stadium is, perhaps, emblematic of much wider developments.
This stadium has itself proliferated globally as a result of international football tournaments and above all the World Cup. Indeed, the stadium has become a generic model for all sporting arenas today, with Olympic stadia in Sydney, Athens, Beijing and now London demonstrating the same features as the new European football stadium. As the physical embodiment of wider social and political processes, the new European stadium may provide a perspicuous focus for understanding fundamental changes which are being precipitated by globalization not only within football but within society much more widely.
At Bradford in 56 dead , victims were burned to death as a result of a dropped cigarette igniting rubbish, which had accumulated for decades under the main stand. Hillsborough proved to be the catalyst, however, not only because it was the most lethal, but also because it convinced Margaret Thatcher that radical change was required. To that end, Lord Chief Justice Taylor, commissioned to write an inquiry into the disaster, outlined a fundamental reformation of British football. Following the Heysel disaster in , in which poor facilities played a role, UEFA Union of European Football Associations was forced to consider the issue of stadium design.
Consequently, starting with Italia , successive World Cups and European Championships have propelled a cycle of ground reconstructions in Europe. Thus, France , Netherlands and Belgium , Portugal , Germany and Austria and Switzerland have all redefined the concept of the stadium in Europe.
These advantages were particularly obvious in England, where the grounds which they replaced were among the worst in Europe for violence and poor facilities. Above all, seats encouraged a more restrained consumption of the sport, in place of the sometimes aggressive masculine displays typical of the s cf. Chapter 10 in this volume. In contrast to the corporal tortures of the medieval and early modern periods, Foucault sought to highlight the distinctive features of the modern prison of the nineteenth century.
The modern prison did not focus on the body of the prisoner, as did medieval torture, but specifically on the mind of the inmate. For Foucault, isolation and surveillance were the two central mechanisms of state control. It does not suggest itself as an obvious method of social control. Yet, in fact, the installation of seats in European stadia has profoundly altered the social space within grounds and has had a potent disciplinary effect. As with the prison cell, the plastic seat disciplines through two basic functions. First, in contrast to the terrace, the seat isolates.
It, therefore, obstructs close physical interaction between fans. The atomization of the spectator hinders the group dynamics which lead to crowd activity and potentially to violence. It is particularly noticeable in English grounds where, unlike Ultra groups in the rest of Europe, fan cultures are unorganized that the institution of seats has dissipated atmosphere in the grounds.
The isolation of fans from one another into single seats individualizes spectators impeding the initiation of chants or choreographies. Most clubs have surveillance systems Figure 1. Taylor 12 Seats are not simply about control, however. Seats, therefore, represent a second reform programme which was intimately related to the disciplinary element: commercialization.
Seats have been a means of widening the market for football by appealing to new consumers and increasing revenue by raising ticket prices cf. In England, Manchester United was at the forefront of this entrepreneurial drive cf. As clubs rebuilt their grounds, they increased ticket prices, partly to fund the renovation but also because the facilities on offer were now improved.
Between and , the most intense period of stadium renovation, the ticket prices for English clubs increased by an average of per cent, though prices at Manchester United rose by per cent King Inflation continues to the present. In response to this pressure, for instance, Juventus aimed to develop the unpopular Stade delle Alpi or build a new stadium elsewhere in Turin.
It is notable that Milan took over the running of the San Siro in July Nevertheless, as yet, no fundamental revision of ground ownership or design has occurred in Italy. In the face of financial pressures, clubs have not transformed their business models. It is possible that Italy may be going through its own equivalent of the Taylor reform, some 20 years after England.
In the event, although ticket prices have increased with the move to their new arenas, the inflation is less than feared. Britain — and England, in particular — remain at the forefront of marketization but, in Europe, as a whole the installation of seats represents the commercialization of football, through the introduction of higher ticket prices. Although the increase in ticket prices has been the object of critique by English fans and commentators, the introduction of seats has also had a liberating effect on spectators.
It has been designed specifically to enfranchize social groups, especially women, ethnic groups and children, who were once intimidated by the football ground. UEFA have sought to emphasize this familial dimension very strongly with their Fair Play Campaign in which the style of play on the pitch represents standards which are appropriate for the family audiences in the stands cf. Chapter 4. Of course, the commercial significance of attracting new consumers to the ground in the form of women and ethnic minorities has not been lost on some club directors and administrators in Europe.
They recognize that the improvement in the ground has increased the market for football. Consequently, the introduction of seats has altered the social constitution of the crowd, in many cases attracting a more affluent group of supporters than in the s and s. The result is that the football ground is no longer the domain of the male members of the urban working class.
The apparently benign plastic seat represents a profound social transformation. Initially, the appearance of new roofs can be explained in purely functional terms. The stands which began to house seats from the s had to be much larger than the old terraces, if ground capacity was not to be reduced radically. While standing in the rain or snow may be an unpleasant experience, sitting through inclement weather is intolerable. The installation of seats demanded the erection of roofs to protect spectators against weather and because the stands were much bigger than the old terraces, the roofs had to be very large.
Yet, the expansion of the roof is not merely a matter of size. In place of grey roofs, brightly coloured steel or translucent perspex superstructures have appeared. These titanium strops do not buttress the roof from below, obscuring the Figure 1. They rise into the sky above the new roofs, holding them from above.
As these elegant strops lift upwards, the roofs assume an airy lightness. Roofs are no longer monolithic but float above the stands to frame the pitch in majestic sweeps. The roof floats. The stand is no longer a squat bunker of steel and concrete but a transparent observatory. Foster himself has emphasized the centrality of the prodigious roof in the design: At almost four times the height of the original, covering twice the area, and with 90, seats, the new Wembley Stadium will be the largest covered football stadium in the world.
Dramatically illuminated at night, the arch will be visible from across London. To spectators, approaching along the Wembley way, the roof seems to be suspended in the sky by the arch; the entire structure floats airily above the ground. The new stadium appears like an inflated zeppelin. The roof does not simply enclose the stands from above but actually Figure 1. The stadium has become a single encompassing carapace. The new roofs are not simply functional; they are evocative symbols of a new social order.
In his work on architecture, Anthony D. For King, the inescapable dynamic underpinning contemporary design is globalization. The appearance of the new roofs has been facilitated by new patterns of global investment in football since the s. The inflation in the value of television rights for football has enriched clubs very significantly. Similarly, the German Bundesliga rights were sold for 12 million DM in —6 but, between and , the rights were worth million DM approximately million euros a season King — In Italy and France, a comparable inflation is evident.
At the same time, these clubs have also benefited from related increases in sponsorship deals. Of course, the new alliances with global media companies and corporate sponsors have not been equally beneficial to all clubs. On the contrary, these global alliances have accelerated the economic inequalities in European football to such an extent that the major European clubs, engorged with their new resources, have begun not merely to dominate their national leagues but to establish themselves as transnational actors, interacting with each other across borders and often operating at the global level cf.
Chapter 7. It is at this precise moment, when the currents of global capital have coalesced at the favoured football clubs in Europe that the most impressive new roofs have appeared over the new stadia. The new European stadium appears at those meeting points where new media and sponsoring finance congregate. The physical construction of the new stadium was itself the product of new alliances between football clubs and global capital.
Manchester United was undoubtedly the most successful club to follow this strategy, recapitalizing itself through the new influx of stock market money cf. Chapter 9. It is significant that in the photograph of Old Trafford in Figure 1. The new roof is the structural embodiment of this global patronage. In Germany, similar processes have been at work. Like Schalke, the hugely expensive construction work on the Munich Arena has been sponsored by Allianz a German finance and insurance service supplier which has bought the name of the stadium for 30 years.
Elsewhere in Europe, in Holland, Belgium, Scotland and Portugal, at clubs like Ajax, Anderlecht, Celtic and Porto, the equivalent transformation is evident where stadium reconstruction, facilitated by private capital, has produced dramatic new structures. The towering structures represent the new geography of football today as flows of transnational capital crystallize at particular points. Instead, they are light and flowing.
The new roofs signify the concentration of power at decisive nodes in the European order. Although much larger than the old structures, they do not signify traditional hierarchy and power. They do not impose vertically upon mass spectators, implying domination. They signify a new political and economic regime. They have arisen in an era when football has been colonized by global capital as a vehicle of market mobilization and the clubs have been inflated through massive increases in financial investment. The new stadium dominates the new urban landscape, as a commanding height, but this new order is not repressive or ossifying.
It is highly mobile, shifting and malleable. The roofs of the new stadium reflect the fact that while private companies have become increasingly powerful their potency rests on their ability to liberate, inspire and attract new consumers, not dominate them. The roofs ideally shelter individuated family units who together enjoy the spectacle of sport in a restrained and safe environment.
The roofs preside over a changed social order in which hierarchies of gender, class, ethnicity and race have all undergone a profound revision. In their now famous article on organizations, Paul J. DiMaggio and Walter W. Subordinate institutions will deliberately imitate the dominant institutions in any period as a means of attaining legitimacy and status. Consequently, in any era, diverse institutions will assume very similar forms. As clubs have become more powerful, through alliances with global capital and media organizations, they want to assert their status publicly.
From the early twentieth century, functional modernist architecture prioritizing reason and order became dominant. State ministries, international headquarters and corporate headquarters were housed in clean symmetrical edifices, represented in the architecture of Le Corbusier and the Bauhaus. Modernist architecture symbolically signified the hegemony of the state and monopoly capital. Since the s, there has been an architectural revolution against modernist rationalism. Postmodern architects like Norman Foster, Frank Gehry and Daniel Libeskind have employed new building materials, wood, titanium and glass, to defy the principles of modernism.
They have designed structures which reject symmetry, order and function. Glass, communicating a new global geography, has been very important in this postmodern revolution Jones as Fredric Jameson has shown. For Jameson, the era of multinational capital and postmodern culture is embodied architecturally in new structures like the Bonaventure Hotel in Los Angeles. He describes how the Bonaventure Hotel subverts the codes of rational modernist architecture, defying mappable space and disorienting the individual Jameson The reflective surfaces of the Bonaventure subvert notions of externality and internality.
Mirroring its surroundings and mutating as light conditions change, the borders of the building are not definitive. Moreover, the building is functionally confusing. The entrance is obscured and once in the foyer, the reception area is disorienting. Glass lifts are bizarrely externalized, running up and down the walls of the foyer. They are not secreted away in their private shafts. For Jameson, the Bonaventure Hotel marks a decisive divide from the modernist enterprise of Le Corbusier and the Bauhaus.
Function no longer dictates form. On the contrary, postmodern architecture deliberately manipulates the rational certainties of modern architecture to confuse, to surprise and to excite. Norman Foster has exploited the potential of glass to create a series of structures which challenge conventional notions of in- and outside. His buildings are inside out; established classifications and hierarchies are subverted and rejected.
The new stadium transgresses conventional notions of boundaries and space. There is an overlap and confusion of space; it is not clear where the stadium ends and the surrounding streets begin. It opens the stadium out to its new consumers. This structure consists of titanium lattice which supports inflated, transparent plastic covering.
A lighting system has been installed beneath the covering so that the stadium can change colour, becoming red, blue or white depending on whether Bayern Munich, TSV Munich or the German national team are playing. Its mutability contrasts markedly with the functionality of the modern terraced ground. The Allianz Arena represents this dislocation of expectation. However, the Arena is intended to question conventional understandings of what a stadium is. It does not look like a stadium. The Allianz Arena is undoubtedly the most innovative stadium to have appeared in Europe but it stresses only a fundamental feature of the new stadium more generally.
These structures reject modernist categories of space and function. They embody a new social order which supersedes old boundaries and borders. Chapter 15 to reflect the new familial and in many cases more ethnically diverse audiences and to signify a new form of social solidarity cf. The new stadium structurally embodies a new transnational social order in Europe.
On this terrain, the new stadium with its seats, roofs and glass stands as a prominent feature on the urban horizon. Together, the new stadia constitute an architectural network. They denote profound institutional transformations at the level of state and capital. They signify the emergence of a transnational order in which concentrated nodes of economic power interact across national borders with increasing ease. In particular, the new European stadium has prioritized the affluent and respectable family as the prime consumer in place of the mass masculine spectatorship of the twentieth century.
The new European stadia embody a historical transformation of profound significance. Of course, the new European stadium is by no means exclusively European. On the contrary, just as the new European stadium is a manifestation of global currents so has this architectural form germinated globally. European architects have had a privileged place in this structural dissemination; Herzog and de Meuron have played a prominent role here. That building represents the same features as the Arena.
The roof — a complex lattice of interwoven titanium — swallows the entire structure to produce a new form which appears more as an organic entity than a sports ground. While its lattice work suggests global interconnections, it too subverts notions of in- and outside. In his famous essay on the Balinese cockfight, Clifford Geertz claimed that in this strange and violent ritual the Balinese were able to tell themselves a story about themselves Geertz The new European stadium similarly tells us a story today about ourselves. It is a narrative of social transformation.
NOTES 1 The old structure has been retained because it has proved architecturally impossible to develop over the railway track. Delanty, G. DiMaggio, P. Foucault, M. Geertz, C. Geertz ed. Harveson, P. Jameson, F. Jones, P. King, A. King ed. Sassen, S. Wise, D. Moreover, they were places where people convened to attend organized events. While the athletes would have been content with a sports field to carry out their disciplines, the enormous interest of the masses necessitated the construction of large raised floors, making stadia one of the largest building types we know.
Constructed to accommodate vast masses, both the sports fields and the tribunes of ancient stadia also served as public spaces. Die 2. Oktober auf MyVideo. Und ich habe bewusst Autoren gesucht, die Lust hatten, gemeinsam mit mir der klaren Vision eines Showrunners, in diesem Fall Kai Wiesinger, zu folgen und diese als Auftragsarbeit umzusetzen. Bis die Dialoge spontan, echt und genau zur Figur passend klangen. Oktober auf www. Reitz tritt ihr Amt am 1. Oktober an. Sie war vom Hochschulrat der HFF am Zugleich dankte Spaenle Prof. Spaenle vorausgegangen.
Die Gutachterkommission unter Vorsitz von Prof. September um ca. Seit 1. Bitte akkreditieren Sie sich per Mail an j. Die vier erleben alles miteinander, bis sich ihnen ein anderes Paar Schuhe in den Weg stellt. September ab Kolja und Rocio schwelgen in Projektionen und Erinnerungen an ihre einzigartig geglaubte, aber unverwirklichte Liebe. Was dem einen Petitesse war, traf den anderen hart. Am Ende blicken sich die beiden in die Augen. Sie sehen nicht einander, sondern nur noch sich selbst. Januar Am Februar statt. September in Berlin vergeben.
Der Preis ist dotiert mit Die vier erleben alles miteinander, bis sich ein anderes Paar Schuhe ihnen in den Weg stellt. Die Preisverleihung findet am September im Stage Theater am Potsdamer Platz statt. Festival del Film Locarno vom 5. Festival del Film Locarno 5. August feiern.
Notstand wohin man schaut. Weitere Informationen unter: www. TV-Ausstrahlungen am 6. August, 3. September jeweils um 19 Uhr. September jeweils um 19 Uhr WH: freitags 9. Diesmal werden nicht nur Spiel-, sondern auch Dokumentarfilme gezeigt. Den Anfang macht am 6. Versehentlich wird sie in eine verlassene Kapelle eingeschlossen. Also muss Jackie ran. Nicht nur dass sie darauf gar keinen Bock hat.
Sie hat auch allen Grund dazu. Dass Spiel- und Dokumentarfilm auch besonders gut als gemischtes Doppel funktionieren, zeigt die Sendung am Schnell wird klar, dass jeder mit dieser Situation anders umgehen wird. Juli — Die Gewinnerprojekte des 2. An zwei Konzepte vergibt eine Jury aus Redakteuren des Kinderfernsehens insgesamt Die Verleihung erfolgte am Zudem bricht ein Machtkampf zwischen Wanja und Alexander aus. Preis und zwei 2. Drei Nachwuchs-Autoren bzw. Platz sowie zwei 2. Saskia ist ein vielschichtiger Charakter mit einer Geschichte, die der Zuschauer erst entdecken darf, und inneren Konflikten mit Gewicht, die Spannung erzeugen.
Das Potenzial dieses Formats liegt aber auch in dem erweiterten Figurenuniversum. Zeit, ein berufliches Doppelleben zu wagen! Ludwig Spaenle, zur Bestellung vorgeschlagen. Gerhard Fuchs erfolgen. Wir freuen uns auf eine enge Zusammenarbeit mit Bettina Reitz. Zwischen und war sie Redakteurin beim Hessischen Rundfunk. Juli im Handel. Juni entgegen. Der Film jagt durch die Begegnungen einer Nacht. Juni , ab Zudem sind die Kurz-Shocker am 3. Weitere Informationen zum Shocking Shorts Award. Stefan Urbaschek Kurator u. Und besonders erfreulich: Jedes Jahr werden es mehr Zuschauer, die die Ausstellung besuchen!
Juni bis 4. Juni — Auf dem Juni Juli Juni 9. Nie gesehene Aufnahmen vom Erdbeben und dem folgenden Tsunami am Der Bayerische Fernsehpreis ist dotiert. Mai — Auf dem Darin diskutieren die Moderatoren mit christlichen Anrufern Glaubensfragen, Politik, Abtreibung und Kreationismus, ohne ihren Humor zu verlieren. Doch es ist nicht immer leicht, Atheist im Bible Belt zu sein. Dem Regisseur gelingt ein nachhaltiger und beeindruckender Blick auf ein sich radikalisierendes Amerika, das uns Angst macht!
Beim Diese Kombination ist das Alleinstellungsmerkmal von spotlight und einzigartig in Europa. Bis zu 2. Daneben gibt es noch weitere besondere Auszeichnungen und Preise. Juni in Berlin. Die Filme sind 23 Mal nominiert in insgesamt 15 Kategorien. So konnte die angestrebte Gesamtsumme von Schloss Korb und Hotel Alexandres. Beate Merk die Bayerische Europamedaille. Sie geben dem namenlosen Leiden im Krieg ein Gesicht.
Mal die aktuellsten, nationalen und internationalen Neuentdeckungen des dokumentarischen Films. Hier bekommt man einen guten Einblick in das Filmschaffen der Jungen. Reihe: DOK. Die Preisverleihung fand zum zweiten Mal statt. Die Platzierung in der Kategorie Dokumentarfilm 1. Die Platzierung in der Kategorie Spielfilm 1. Die Serie startet am April auf MyVideo.
April auf www. Startschuss der Kooperation ist ein erster Workshop vom Vier Filme der HFF laufen. Im Bayern- und Regionalfenster laufen regionale und lokale Kurzfilmproduktion. Alle Informationen zum Festival unter: www. Professor Dr. Februar — Professor Dr. Bereits seit ist Professor Dr. In enger Abstimmung mit Professor Dr.
Wissenschaftsminister Dr. Ludwig Spaenle dankte Professor Dr. Auch der gesamte Hochschulrat sprach Professor Dr. Ludwig Unger Telefon: Mail: presse stmbw.
Neu im Programm: Vom 9. Die Kurse werden in Kooperation mit dem Bildungswerk der bayerischen Wirtschaft angeboten. Februar und 5. Februar sowie am Donnerstag, den 5. Internationalen Filmfestspielen Berlin ging der mit 5. Februar — Die